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Pipeline Inspira STEAM

En esta “tubería del progreso profesional” de las mujeres representamos el camino que recorren muchas niñas y jóvenes, desde la educación primaria y secundaria hasta su incorporación al mundo profesional.

A lo largo de este recorrido aparecen barreras visibles e invisibles que influyen en sus decisiones, oportunidades y permanencia en las carreras STEAM.

Estereotipos
Prejuicios
Falta de referentes
Falta de conocimiento sobre carreras STEM
Desinterés por carreras STEM
Expectativas culturales/familiares

Estereotipos
Prejuicios
Discriminación
Acoso
Falta de referentes

Técnicas de contratación erróneas
Responsabilidades familiares
Discriminación
Acoso
Falta de referentes
Falta de mentores
Falta de seguridad laboral
Falta de flexibilidad laboral
Estereotipos

Menor acceso a oportunidades de desarrollo
Dificultad en refuerzo/reingreso al trabajo
Falta de flexibilidad laboral
Meritocracia defectuosa para el avance profesional
Falta de mentores/promotores
Interrupciones en la profesión
Mayor presión de formar parte de
juntas y comités para cumplir con
los requisitos de diversidad
Prejuicios
Responsabilidades familiares
Discriminación/sexismo

"Agujeros" en las tuberías y propuestas

¿Por qué muchas niñas y jóvenes se van quedando por el camino en las disciplinas STEAM?

Identificamos algunos de los factores y barreras que contribuyen a este fenómeno. También proponemos acciones y buenas prácticas que pueden ayudar a que más niñas continúen desarrollando su talento en ciencia, tecnología, ingeniería, arte y matemáticas.

Explicación divulgativa

Mientras que los niños suelen ser alentados a tomar riesgos y perseverar, las niñas suelen recibir mensajes que enfatizan la perfección y el miedo al error, lo que refuerza su autolimitación. Este efecto se amplifica en la adolescencia, cuando la presión social y los estereotipos de género se vuelven más marcados, empujándolas a evitar campos donde no se sienten plenamente competentes.

Explicación académica

Three influential lines of research support and nuance the statement you propose, especially around (1) gendered confidence, (2) perfectionism and fear of failure, and (3) adolescence as an amplification point for stereotypes and social pressure.

  • Key article: Bian, L., Leslie, S., & Cimpian, A. (2017). “Gender stereotypes about intellectual ability emerge early and influence children’s interests.” Science.​
  • What it shows: Around age 6, girls are already less likely than boys to associate their own gender with being “really, really smart,” and they begin to avoid activities framed as “for very smart children,” despite no ability gap.​
  • Relevance to your statement:
    • Documents an early confidence gap in perceived intellectual ability, consistent with girls being more cautious about entering domains coded as demanding “brilliance.”​
    • Supports the idea that girls internalize limiting messages earlier, which later makes them more likely to avoid fields where they are not sure they will excel.
  • Key work: Eccles, J. S., Wigfield, A., and colleagues’ Expectancy–Value Theory applied to math and science motivation (e.g., Eccles & Wigfield, 2002, review articles on gender and math). Summarized in many later syntheses.​
  • What it shows:
    • Girls and boys with similar performance differ in expectations of success (self‑concept, self‑efficacy) and in how much they value math‑intensive tasks.​
    • Girls are more sensitive to relative performance and anticipated failure costs; they are less likely to choose or persist in domains where they do not feel clearly above average.​
  • Relevance to your statement:
    • Provides a theoretical and empirical basis for saying that girls receive and internalize messages that make them more failure‑averse and more focused on “being very good” before engaging, while boys are socialized to treat challenge and risk as acceptable or even desirable.​
    • Helps connect perfectionism / fear of failure with later avoidance of math‑intensive or highly competitive fields when confidence is not high.
  •  

A precise single “top” article is harder to name because this is a broader empirical stream, but a strong representative is:

  • Representative article: Robinson, K. A., et al. (2020). “Gender Differences and Roles of Two Science Self‑Efficacy Beliefs in Predicting STEM Career Intentions.” Frontiers in Psychology.​
  • What it shows:
    • Women and men with similar preparation diverge in science self‑efficacy and in how strongly that self‑efficacy predicts persistence and career intentions toward STEM.​
    • Competitive, stereotype‑laden environments (e.g., college science) can widen gaps in self‑efficacy and belonging over time, even when initial differences are small.​
  • Relevance to your statement:
    • Directly supports the claim that adolescence and young adulthood are periods where social pressure and stereotypes intensify, leading girls and young women to withdraw from fields in which they no longer feel fully competent or welcome.​
    • Empirically connects lower confidence and heightened concern about not being “good enough” with reduced entry into and persistence in STEM pathways.

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Fomentar entornos educativos y sociales donde el error se vea como parte natural del aprendizaje y se anime a las niñas a asumir riesgos y explorar su potencial.

Explicación divulgativa

Desde edades tempranas, las niñas se enfrentan a una notable ausencia de modelos a seguir que reflejen su potencial en carreras científicas y tecnológicas. Los libros de texto, los medios de comunicación y las actividades escolares suelen destacar figuras masculinas, perpetuando la percepción de que las STEM son “terreno de hombres”. Además, sin mentoras o figuras cercanas que hayan recorrido ese camino, resulta difícil para las jóvenes imaginarse a sí mismas en roles científicos o tecnológicos. La falta de referentes no solo limita su aspiración, sino que también reduce el apoyo social y la validación necesaria para persistir en un entorno que, a menudo, es percibido como poco acogedor para ellas.

Explicación académica

Large-scale content analyses show that textbooks underrepresent women and depict men far more often in scientific and technological roles, sending the message that STEM is “for men.” These “hidden lessons” make it harder for girls to see their own potential in these fields and contribute to lower identification with STEM and narrower aspirations.

  • Danielsson, A., & Eriksson, I. (2025). Gender representations in school mathematics: A study of textbooks from four Nordic countries. International Journal of Mathematical Education in Science and Technology.tandfonline​
  • Elgar, A., et al. (2024). The hidden lessons in textbooks: Gender representation and stereotypes in schoolbooks. European Journal of Education.onlinelibrary.wiley​
  • Rahmawati, I., & Hasanah, N. (2023). Gender stereotypes and bias as depicted in STEM textbooks. International Journal of Education and Instructional Research.ejournal.unma​

Studies on mathematics education and STEM curricula emphasize that real female scientists, engineers and technologists are largely absent from examples, biographies and classroom activities. Even when fictional male and female characters are balanced, the lack of real women who “have walked that path” makes it difficult for girls to imagine themselves in such roles.uoc​

Example reference

Interview and analysis summarizing research: De la Torre, A. M. (2024). There is a shortage of female role models in mathematics. Universitat Oberta de Catalunya – UOC News.uoc​

International reports explicitly identify lack of female role models and mentors as a central barrier for girls in STEM, limiting aspirations and weakening the social support needed to persist in male-dominated environments. These documents link the scarcity of women in STEM teaching posts, media coverage and leadership to girls’ difficulties in seeing STEM as a welcoming option.education.europa+2​

Example references

  • European Commission (2024). New report addresses the gender gap in STEM education across educational levels.education.europa​

  • UNESCO Institute for Statistics (2024). New UIS data show that the share of women in STEM graduates has been stagnant for 10 years.world-education-blog​

  • UNESCO (2023). New UNESCO report sheds light on gender inequality in STEM education.unesco​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Promover la visibilidad de mujeres en STEM, tanto históricas como contemporáneas, y fomentar espacios donde niñas y jóvenes puedan interactuar con estas referentes, es clave para cerrar esta brecha.

Explicación divulgativa

El imaginario social construido a través de medios como la televisión, las series, las películas, los juegos, libros, etc..  tiene un impacto profundo en las aspiraciones y elecciones de las niñas y jóvenes, actuando como un poderoso «filtro» que afecta su interés por las carreras STEM. Durante décadas, estos medios han representado a científicos, ingenieros, programadores y matemáticos como hombres brillantes, excéntricos o antisociales, mientras que las mujeres en estos roles han sido invisibilizadas o retratadas en papeles secundarios y estereotipados. 

Además, los productos culturales dirigidos a las niñas, como juguetes, libros y series infantiles, a menudo priorizan narrativas relacionadas con la apariencia, las emociones o las relaciones personales, dejando de lado historias que promuevan la curiosidad científica, el pensamiento lógico o la resolución de problemas. Incluso en videojuegos, un sector con gran influencia en la formación de intereses tecnológicos, los personajes femeninos suelen estar relegados a roles decorativos o secundarios, lo que dificulta que las niñas se identifiquen con estas áreas.

Explicación académica

Three influential lines of research support and nuance the statement you propose, especially around (1) gendered confidence, (2) perfectionism and fear of failure, and (3) adolescence as an amplification point for stereotypes and social pressure.

  • Steinke (2017) reviews historical and contemporary portrayals of scientists, engineers, and other STEM professionals in TV and film, showing that they have long been depicted as predominantly male, white, eccentric, or socially awkward, with women fewer in number and often shown as less independent or having their work devalued by male colleagues.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

  • The paper argues, using identity and social learning theories, that these images function as powerful cues for adolescent girls when they are forming possible selves in STEM, influencing who they think “belongs” there and whether they can picture themselves in these roles.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Reference
 Steinke, J. (2017). Adolescent girls’ STEM identity formation and media images of STEM professionals: Considering the influence of contextual cues. Frontiers in Psychology, 8, 716.

  • The Geena Davis Institute report “Portray Her: Representations of Women STEM Characters in Media” (covering >10 years of popular film and TV) finds that STEM characters are mostly male and white, and that women STEM characters are both underrepresented and more likely to be hypersexualized or tied to appearance compared with male counterparts.geenadavisinstitute​

  • The report links these portrayals to survey data showing that exposure to stereotyped media STEM characters reinforces the idea that scientists are “white men,” and that girls who endorse stereotypes pairing men and math are less interested in STEM and less likely to choose science majors.geenadavisinstitute​

Reference
 Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media (2018, updated 2024). Portray Her: Representations of Women STEM Characters in Media. Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media.geenadavisinstitute​

  • Research on early gender stereotyping in STEM highlights that toys, games and children’s media marketed to girls tend to emphasize appearance, emotions and relationships, while products marketed to boys more often encourage construction, exploration and problem-solving, mapping onto later STEM-relevant skills and interests.stemwomen+1​

  • These patterns are shown to shape attitudes from an early age: hyper‑feminised toys and stereotyped narratives make girls more focused on appearance and less likely to see construction, technology and logical problem-solving as “for them,” while video games frequently present female characters as secondary, decorative or hypersexualized, limiting identification with technological roles.erevistas.publicaciones.uah+1​

Example references

  • Santoniccolo, F. (2023). Gender and media representations. Frontiers in Psychology, 14, 1169431. (overview of how media images contribute to gender stereotyping and objectification).pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Juricevic, I. (2022). STEM stereotypes and Marvel superpowers. REDEN – Revista de Educación y Derecho, 26, 1–25. (analysis of gender representation in portrayals of STEM-like skills in popular comics/hero narratives).erevistas.publicaciones.uah​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Promover la creación de contenidos que muestren a mujeres en roles protagónicos en STEM, con historias que destaquen sus logros y desafíos de manera atractiva e inspiradora, rompiendo además con el estereotipo de seres antisociales.

Explicación divulgativa

Desde temprana edad, estas expectativas moldean lo que se considera «apropiado» para ellas, reforzando roles de género tradicionales que asocian a las mujeres con cualidades como la empatía, el cuidado y la comunicación, mientras que atribuyen habilidades analíticas, técnicas y de liderazgo a los hombres. Estas creencias limitan el espectro de opciones que las niñas perciben como posibles o deseables para su futuro.

En el entorno familiar, las niñas pueden recibir mensajes sutiles o explícitos que las alejan de las STEM, como comentarios sobre la dificultad de las matemáticas o la ingeniería, o la percepción de que estas áreas son menos compatibles con su personalidad o estilo de vida. En el ámbito educativo, docentes también desempeñan un papel clave, ya que a menudo, de forma inconsciente, tienden a fomentar que los niños persigan carreras tecnológicas mientras animan a las niñas hacia áreas relacionadas con las humanidades o las ciencias sociales.

A nivel social, las niñas enfrentan una presión constante para encajar en normas culturales que valoran más su apariencia o habilidades sociales que su potencial intelectual o técnico. Esto se intensifica durante la adolescencia, cuando el deseo de aceptación social puede llevarlas a evitar destacar en campos percibidos como “masculinos”.

Explicación académica

Three influential lines of research directly support this statement about how family, teacher and social expectations channel girls away from STEM.

  • Parents often hold gender‑stereotypical beliefs about who is “naturally” good at math and STEM and communicate them—subtly or explicitly—to their children.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+1​

  • When mothers or parents endorse the stereotype that “boys are better at math,” daughters report more math‑gender stereotypes, more math anxiety, lower confidence and lower interest in math‑intensive courses and careers.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Key reference
 Casad, B. J., Hale, P., & Wachs, F. L. (2015). Parent–child math anxiety and math‑gender stereotypes predict adolescents’ math education outcomes. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1597.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

This supports: parental comments about math being “too hard” for girls, or not fitting their personality or lifestyle, reduce girls’ perceived options and steer them away from STEM, even when achievement is similar.

  • Elementary and secondary teachers tend to rate girls’ math ability lower than that of equally performing boys and attribute girls’ success more to hard work than to talent, reflecting broader beliefs that align “innate” mathematical ability with boys.education.illinois+2​

  • These expectations translate into different encouragement and guidance: girls receive less push toward advanced math or technological tracks, and teachers’ math anxiety and stereotypes are especially harmful for girls’ attitudes and performance.eric.ed+2​

Representative references

  • Ganley, C. M., & Lubienski, S. T. (2016). Teachers’ perceptions of students’ mathematics proficiency by gender and race/ethnicity. (Summarized in “Gender gap in math achievement, expectations begins early”).education.illinois​

  • Alazemi, B. (2024). Female students’ perceptions of math and their involvement. Journal of Education.eric.ed​

This supports: teachers unconsciously encouraging boys more toward technological careers and girls toward humanities/social fields, reinforcing the idea of what is “appropriate” for each gender.

  • Cultural stereotypes that “math is for boys” are acquired early; by primary school, many children (including girls) implicitly link math with boys, which lowers girls’ math self‑concept even before any performance gap appears.faculty.washington​

  • Peer and classroom norms in adolescence amplify these effects: exposure to male peers who strongly endorse gender/STEM stereotypes reduces girls’ expectations of success and increases their likelihood of avoiding STEM subjects and careers in order to fit gender norms.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+1​

Key references

  • Cvencek, D., Meltzoff, A. N., & Greenwald, A. G. (2011). Math–gender stereotypes in elementary school children. Child Development, 82(3), 766–779.faculty.washington​

  • Riegle‑Crumb, C., et al. (2017). Gendered expectations: Examining how peers shape female students’ intent to pursue STEM fields. Frontiers in Psychology, 8, 329.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

These support:

  • Social norms that value girls’ appearance and social skills more than intellectual or technical potential.

  • Adolescence as a critical period when the desire for social acceptance leads some girls to avoid excelling in “masculine” domains such as math, physics or computing.

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Explicación divulgativa

A menudo, las carreras STEM son desconocidas o explicadas de manera abstracta, técnica y desvinculada de las realidades cotidianas, lo que dificulta que las niñas se identifiquen con ellas, en lugar de enfocarlas como herramientas para resolver problemas sociales, mejorar la vida de las personas o generar un impacto positivo en el mundo.

Explicación académica

Three highly cited research programs support this statement about STEM career perceptions:

  • STEM careers are often presented in abstract, technical terms, making them seem disconnected from everyday life and less appealing to many girls.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

  • Women, even those equally talented in math, are more likely to choose non-STEM careers because they value communal goals (helping others, benefiting society) more than men do on average; framing STEM as altruistic and people-oriented increases girls’ and women’s interest and persistence.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Reference
 Wang, M.-T., Eccles, J. S., & Kenny, S. (2016). Not lack of ability but more choice: Individual and gender differences in choice of careers in math-intensive fields. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11(1), 20–46.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

  • Women prioritize communal goals (helping, working with others) more than men, and they perceive STEM fields as agentic (individualistic, competitive) rather than communal, leading them to opt out even when qualified.journals.sagepub+1​

  • Experiments show that when STEM roles are framed to emphasize communal affordances (e.g., “STEM helps people”), women’s interest increases substantially compared to abstract or technical descriptions.frontiersin+1​

Key reference
 Diekman, A. B., Brown, E. R., Johnston, A. M., Kray, L. J., & Steinberg, M. (2010). Seeking congruity between goals and roles: A new look at why women opt out of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics careers. Psychological Science, 21(8), 1051–1057.wellesley​

Diekman, A. B., & Steinberg, M. (2017). A goal congruity model of role entry, engagement, and exit: Understanding gendered patterns and predictors of STEM phenomena. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 22(2), 142–175.journals.sagepub

  • Girls often lack concrete knowledge of how STEM connects to real-world social problems and communal values, leading them to underestimate their future fit in these fields.yorku​

  • Interventions that help girls envision STEM careers as supporting their personal values (e.g., helping others) and show supportive social communities increase their forecasted fit and long-term interest in STEM education and careers.yorku​

Reference
 Cyr, E. N., et al. (2025). Girls’ forecasted fit in STEM fosters career interest. Child Development.yorku​

These three works—Wang for empirical patterns, Diekman for the theoretical model, and Cyr for intervention evidence—provide a strong foundation to argue that abstract presentations of STEM careers obscure their relevance to girls’ values, limiting identification and choice.journals.sagepub+3​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Explicación divulgativa

Esta ansiedad, que se manifiesta como un miedo o incomodidad intensa al enfrentarse a tareas matemáticas, suele desarrollarse desde edades tempranas y está estrechamente ligada a estereotipos de género que asocian las matemáticas con habilidades inherentemente masculinas. Muchas niñas internalizan estos mensajes, lo que puede llevarlas a dudar de sus propias capacidades casi como una profecía autocumplida, incluso cuando su desempeño es igual o superior al de sus compañeros.

Explicación académica

Three highly cited research programs strongly support this statement about math anxiety as a gendered phenomenon linked to stereotypes:

  • Parents’ endorsement of the stereotype that “boys are better at math” predicts higher math anxiety in their adolescent daughters, which in turn lowers daughters’ math self-efficacy and academic performance.irl.umsl+1​

  • Math anxiety fully mediates the link between stereotype endorsement and girls’ reduced math confidence and grades, showing how internalized stereotypes create a self-fulfilling cycle of doubt and avoidance.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+1​

Reference
 Casad, B. J., Hale, P., & Wachs, F. L. (2015). Parent-child math anxiety and math-gender stereotypes predict adolescents’ math education outcomes. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1597.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

  • Girls who endorse the stereotype that “math is a male domain” overestimate their general (trait) math anxiety compared to their actual anxiety during math tasks (state anxiety), even after controlling for math self-concept.frontiersin​

  • This discrepancy shows that stereotypes amplify girls’ perceived inability, creating intense fear and self-doubt that leads to avoidance, despite comparable task performance.frontiersin​

Reference
 Bieg, M., Goetz, T., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2015). Gender stereotype endorsement differentially predicts girls’ trait-state discrepancy in math anxiety. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1404.frontiersin​

  • Endorsement of the math-gender stereotype (“men are better at math”) predicts higher math anxiety and lower math self-concept specifically in women, which together impair arithmetic performance.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

  • Structural equation models confirm that stereotypes exert their negative effect on women through heightened anxiety and reduced confidence, creating a cycle where anxiety undermines performance and reinforces doubt.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Reference
 Rossi, S., Hallgato, A., & Tomasetto, C. (2022). Mathematics–gender stereotype endorsement influences mathematics anxiety, self-concept, and performance differently in men and women. Developmental Science, 25(6), e13280.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

These three studies—Casad for intergenerational transmission, Bieg for trait-state discrepancies, and Rossi for causal mediation—provide robust evidence that math anxiety is tightly linked to stereotypes associating math with masculine skills, leading girls to doubt their abilities and avoid math despite equal or superior performance.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+2​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Explicación divulgativa

Aquellas personas que se encargan de la orientación académica, docentes e incluso familias tienden a guiar a las niñas hacia carreras consideradas «más femeninas» o alineadas con habilidades percibidas como innatas, como la comunicación o el cuidado, en lugar de promover áreas como ingeniería, informática o matemáticas. Este sesgo, muchas veces sutil, refuerza la idea de que las STEM no son una opción natural para las niñas, influyendo en sus elecciones académicas y limitando sus aspiraciones. Además, los mensajes recibidos durante la orientación suelen enfatizar habilidades “blandas” (soft skills), como la empatía y el trabajo en equipo, mientras se resta importancia a sus capacidades técnicas o científicas. Esto no solo perpetúa estereotipos de género, sino que también reduce las posibilidades de que las niñas exploren o consideren seriamente carreras STEM.

Explicación académica

Three key research programs provide strong evidence for this statement on biased academic guidance steering girls away from STEM:

Teachers often unconsciously attribute higher mathematical ability to boys than equally performing girls and provide less encouragement for girls to pursue advanced STEM courses or technical careers.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+1​

This manifests as guidance counselors and educators directing high-achieving girls toward «safe» humanities or caregiving fields while pushing boys toward engineering and computer science.scholarcommons.sc+1​

Key reference
 Ganley, C. M., & Lubienski, S. T. (2016). Mathematics confidence, interest, and performance: Examining gender patterns and profiles. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education. (Also summarized in University of Illinois analysis of early gender gaps).education.illinois​
 Kirkland, H. N. (2023). STEM Educators’ Perceptions of Gender Bias and the Underrepresentation of Female Students. University of South Carolina dissertation.scholarcommons.sc​

Parents and academic advisors hold gendered beliefs about occupational suitability, with girls receiving messages that STEM fields conflict with family responsibilities or feminine personality traits.unr+1​

Counselors emphasize girls’ «soft skills» like communication and empathy while overlooking their analytical potential, limiting the career options presented as realistic.aauw+1​

Key references
 AAUW (2025 update). The STEM Gap: Women and Girls in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics. American Association of University Women.aauw​
 Cech, E., & Blair-Loy, M. (2019). The changing career trajectories of new parents in STEM. (Contextualized in workplace bias literature).unr​

From secondary school through university advising, systemic biases result in fewer girls being recommended for STEM programs, with guidance materials and career talks reinforcing STEM as masculine.sciencepolicyreview+1​

This «subtle steering» reduces girls’ exploration of technical fields and perpetuates underrepresentation, as evidenced by educators’ own perceptions of gendered career appropriateness.scholarcommons.sc​

Key reference
 Llorens, A., et al. (2021). Gender bias in academia: a lifetime problem that needs solutions. Neuron, 109(13), 2047–2074.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​
 Science Policy Review (2020). Reducing gender bias in STEM.sciencepolicyreview​​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Explicación divulgativa

En muchas disciplinas STEM, existe la percepción de que el éxito depende de una capacidad innata o «brillantez», en lugar de esfuerzo y dedicación. Este mito de la brillantez suele estar sesgado por género, ya que se asocia con mayor frecuencia a los hombres, mientras que a las mujeres se les atribuyen logros basados en su dedicación o perseverancia. Mientras que los niños son más propensos a recibir mensajes que refuerzan sus habilidades intrínsecas, las niñas suelen ser alabadas por su esfuerzo, lo que puede disminuir su confianza en sus capacidades.

Explicación académica

Three highly cited research programs directly support this statement about the «brilliance myth» in STEM and its gendered consequences:

Fields perceived as requiring «raw intellectual talent» or «brilliance» rather than effort have fewer women; this belief correlates strongly with female underrepresentation across 67 academic disciplines.science​

Brilliance is culturally associated with men more than women, creating a stereotype that disadvantages women in STEM fields like physics and math where innate genius is emphasized.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih+1​

Reference
 Leslie, S.-J., Cimpian, A., Meyer, Z., & Freeland, E. (2015). Expectations of brilliance underlie gender distributions across academic disciplines. Science, 347(6219), 262–265.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

By age 6, girls are less likely than boys to associate their gender with «brilliance,» leading them to avoid activities described as requiring exceptional talent; this shapes long-term STEM interest.science​

Girls receive praise focused on effort rather than ability, reinforcing doubt about their intrinsic talent compared to boys who are affirmed as «naturally brilliant.»stemwomen+1​

Reference
 Bian, L., Leslie, S.-J., & Cimpian, A. (2017). Gender stereotypes about intellectual ability emerge early and influence children’s interests. Science, 355(6323), 389–391.science​

Even women already studying STEM endorse stronger «brilliance» beliefs than men and experience higher belonging uncertainty, showing how these stereotypes persist and erode women’s confidence.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Women attribute success to effort while men claim innate talent, perpetuating the cycle where girls doubt their «fit» for brilliance-heavy fields.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Reference
 Deiglmayr, A., Stern, E., & Schubert, R. (2019). Beliefs in «brilliance» and belonging uncertainty in male and female STEM students. Frontiers in Psychology, 10, 1252.pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih​

Ejemplo de buenas prácticas

Para mitigar este problema, es crucial desmantelar la narrativa de la brillantez como requisito exclusivo para el éxito en STEM así como la narrativa de que las chicas son trabajadoras pero no brillantes si obtienen buenas calificaciones.

Educación primaria y secundaria

¿Por qué se quedan por el camino?

Estereotipos

Prejuicios

Falta de referentes

Falta de conocimiento sobre carreras STEM

Desinterés por carreras STEM

Expectativas culturales/familiares

Ver explicación
Educación superior

¿Por qué se quedan por el camino?

Estereotipos

Prejuicios

Discriminación

Acoso

Falta de referentes

Ver explicación
Inicio profesional

¿Por qué se quedan por el camino?

Técnicas de contratación erróneas

Responsabilidades familiares

Discriminación

Acoso

Falta de referentes

Falta de mentores

Falta de seguridad laboral

Falta de flexibilidad laboral

Estereotipos

Ver explicación
Mitad de la carrera profesional

¿Por qué se quedan por el camino?

Menor acceso a oportunidades de desarrollo

Dificultad en refuerzo/reingreso al trabajo

Falta de flexibilidad laboral

Meritocracia defectuosa para el avance profesional

Falta de mentores/promotores

Interrupciones en la profesión

Ver explicación
Nivel profesional alto

¿Por qué se quedan por el camino?

Mayor presión de formar parte de juntas y comités para cumplir con los requisitos de diversidad

Prejuicios

Responsabilidades familiares

Discriminación/sexismo

Ver explicación